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The article studies the motivational framing of the protest events on the Kyiv Maidan (2013–2014) relying on the pool of 300 in-depth interviews collected during the first six months after the events. The investigation of the oral testimonies of the active members of Maidan events made possible to identify the cognitive constructs and interpretations that underlie the motivational component of the framing of the social movement. The research of in-depth interviews allowed us not only to detect a wide range of motives that had encouraged the participants of the Maidan to collective actions but also to interpret these motives more correctly. Motives for the participation of the respondents in the Maidan directly depended on the course of events. Changes in interpretations of the personal motives to take part in the social movement coincide in time with the main transformations of the framing of protest. The motives differed not only depending on which stage of events the person had decided to join the Maidan. The same person outlined his or her own reasons for participation in different ways on different stages of the Maidan. The main group of motives for participation at the first stage of the protest was mostly related to the renovation of the political course ofUkrainetowardsEuropewith its quality of life and respect for human rights and freedoms. Then after the police had cruelly beaten the protesters, participants started to join the movement mainly against excessive use of force by law-enforcement authorities, for the condemnation of those who had been guilty in the beating, for the resignation of the government and the president and because of other similar motives. Motives for participating in the Maidan also differed depending on the roles of the activists. Such differences were especially visible during the periods of violent confrontation between the protesters and law-enforcement authorities. The motives of the individuals who were directly at the Maidan differed from the motives of those who were involved in organizing the Maidan's life or helping the victims. For the first category of people the com-mon motive was «If not me, then who else?» or the revenge motive. While for the second category more common motives were guilt, desire to help, desire to protect. According to the research, at the beginning of the social movement the motives for the participation of activists were more specifi c and local. People were protesting against the new foreign policy of the country, for punishing those, who had been guilty of beating the protesters, and so on. On the other hand, speaking about later events, respondents more often referred to moral and psychological motives and stimuli for participation in the Maidan: conscience, guilt, desire to help, desire to protect etc.So the motives and stimuli for taking part in the protest depended on the dynamics of events on Maidan and on the roles of individuals during the Revolution of Dignity.Key words: Maidan, motivation, framing, in-depth interview ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню мотиваційного компоненту фреймінгу протест-них подій на київському Майдані 2013–2014 років. Проаналізовано пул з 300 глибинних інтерв'ю, зібраних в перші півроку після означених подій. Виділено широкий спектр мотивів, що спонукали індивідів приєднатись до Майдану. Проаналізовано характер мотивів, тенденції змін основних стимулів до участі в протесті в залежності від динаміки подій на Майдані та ролей, які індивіди виконували під час революції Гідності.Ключові слова: Майдан, мотивація, фреймінг, глибинні інтерв'ю. The article studies the motivational framing of the protest events on the Kyiv Maidan (2013–2014) relying on the pool of 300 in-depth interviews collected during the first six months after the events. The investigation of the oral testimonies of the active members of Maidan events made possible to identify the cognitive constructs and interpretations that underlie the motivational component of the framing of the social movement. The research of in-depth interviews allowed us not only to detect a wide range of motives that had encouraged the participants of the Maidan to collective actions but also to interpret these motives more correctly. Motives for the participation of the respondents in the Maidan directly depended on the course of events. Changes in interpretations of the personal motives to take part in the social movement coincide in time with the main transformations of the framing of protest. The motives differed not only depending on which stage of events the person had decided to join the Maidan. The same person outlined his or her own reasons for participation in different ways on different stages of the Maidan. The main group of motives for participation at the first stage of the protest was mostly related to the renovation of the political course ofUkrainetowardsEuropewith its quality of life and respect for human rights and freedoms. Then after the police had cruelly beaten the protesters, participants started to join the movement mainly against excessive use of force by law-enforcement authorities, for the condemnation of those who had been guilty in the beating, for the resignation of the government and the president and because of other similar motives. Motives for participating in the Maidan also differed depending on the roles of the activists. Such differences were especially visible during the periods of violent confrontation between the protesters and law-enforcement authorities. The motives of the individuals who were directly at the Maidan differed from the motives of those who were involved in organizing the Maidan's life or helping the victims. For the first category of people the com-mon motive was «If not me, then who else?» or the revenge motive. While for the second category more common motives were guilt, desire to help, desire to protect. According to the research, at the beginning of the social movement the motives for the participation of activists were more specifi c and local. People were protesting against the new foreign policy of the country, for punishing those, who had been guilty of beating the protesters, and so on. On the other hand, speaking about later events, respondents more often referred to moral and psychological motives and stimuli for participation in the Maidan: conscience, guilt, desire to help, desire to protect etc.So the motives and stimuli for taking part in the protest depended on the dynamics of events on Maidan and on the roles of individuals during the Revolution of Dignity.Key words: Maidan, motivation, framing, in-depth interview

Abstract
How does the Special Adviser decide to call for the 'responsibility to protect' populations from atrocities? How have different postholders understood and shaped their role in practice? This article examines the 'performative leadership' of the Special Adviser of the United Nations Secretary-General on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). In contrast to the dominant approach informed by conventional models of norm diffusion, this research develops a framework which connects strategic norm-building with symbolic interaction and performativity. Given this, I argue that the postholders do not merely enact institutional scripts but 'perform' certain meanings of R2P, both creatively and strategically, while being deeply situated in a rigid environment with existing rules. This study brings to the fore subtle yet deep-seated contestations around R2P, which become visible with the inclusion of the Special Adviser. Methodologically, this article relies on interpretative discourse analysis of the representations of the advisers' creative choices regarding their performances.

Since the mid-1990s, crime drama has been the leading genre of post-Soviet television. In this article, Elena Prokhorova discusses various genres of recent crime series, both within the historical context and as coherent discourse (specifically, identity discourse). Her analysis draws narrative and ideological parallels between recent Russian productions and Brezhnev-era television mini-series, especially as an attempt to reconceptualize national mythology. The flourishing of popularized "narratives of control"—spy thrillers and police series—in the 1970s signaled both the crisis of Soviet identity and an attempt to give a boost to the waning ideology by mixing popular culture formulas with ideology. Likewise, recent Russian crime dramas use Soviet and prerevolutionary popular culture formulae as a testing ground for new social models. Prokhorova explores the attributes of crime series as artistic texts, such as genre conventions, choice of plots and heroes, visual representation, as well as broader cultural values that underlie those choices.

Crisis-proof programs can be considered as one of the most important ways of increasing the effectiveness of crisis prevention, control and minimization ofits negative effects on the economy. Developed by the Government of the Russian Federation, they take into account the peculiarities of the crisis and are always aimed to eliminate or at least to reduce the impact of downturns in economic developmentas soon as possible. Some objects and development directions are always in priority, while other varies depending on numerous crisis factors.Taking into account that the Government pins high hopes on crisis-proof programs and plans, their role in the stabilization of the economic environment seems to be an important and pertinent question. ; Одним из важнейших направлений повышения эффективности предотвращения кризисов, борьбы с ними и минимизации негативных последствий на уровне государства по праву можно считать антикризисные программы. Они разрабатываются Правительством РФ, учитывая особенности кризисной ситуации и всегда направлены на то, чтобы как можно скорее устранить или как минимум уменьшить последствия спадов в развитии экономики страны. Некоторые объекты и направления всегда остаются в приоритете поддержки и развития рассматриваемых программ, в то время как некоторые меняются в зависимости от факторов кризиса. Принимая во внимание, что на антикризисные программы и планы возлагаются большие надежды, актуальным вопросом остается их роль в стабилизации экономических условий.

Crisis-proof programs can be considered as one of the most important ways of increasing the effectiveness of crisis prevention, control and minimization ofits negative effects on the economy. Developed by the Government of the Russian Federation, they take into account the peculiarities of the crisis and are always aimed to eliminate or at least to reduce the impact of downturns in economic developmentas soon as possible. Some objects and development directions are always in priority, while other varies depending on numerous crisis factors.Taking into account that the Government pins high hopes on crisis-proof programs and plans, their role in the stabilization of the economic environment seems to be an important and pertinent question. ; Одним из важнейших направлений повышения эффективности предотвращения кризисов, борьбы с ними и минимизации негативных последствий на уровне государства по праву можно считать антикризисные программы. Они разрабатываются Правительством РФ, учитывая особенности кризисной ситуации и всегда направлены на то, чтобы как можно скорее устранить или как минимум уменьшить последствия спадов в развитии экономики страны. Некоторые объекты и направления всегда остаются в приоритете поддержки и развития рассматриваемых программ, в то время как некоторые меняются в зависимости от факторов кризиса. Принимая во внимание, что на антикризисные программы и планы возлагаются большие надежды, актуальным вопросом остается их роль в стабилизации экономических условий.